October 23, (THEWILL) – Chima Obiozor (not real names) likes the tattoo of his mother’s visage on his right bicep. His mother’s face is etched into his right arm in headscarf displaying a comely gap-tooth and bat-wing eyebrows. Like most young men his age – he is 25 – he spots short dread locks, circling his temples to the nape of his neck.
One day recently, Chima who lives in the Abule Egba axis of Lagos state recalled he was sitting in the passenger seat of a friend’s Lexus jeep going to Agege when they met a detachment of police. “Come down,” one of the police officers barked after ordering them to park by the roadside.
There were vehicles swishing by, commercial motorcyclists, too. Human traffic was heavy. It had just rained and there was a cloying smell in the air mixed with the stench from the mountain of garbage all around.
“At first, we didn’t want to comply because we didn’t see any reason why they ordered us to disembark,” Chima told THEWILL last week. “I am a Computer Science graduate from IMSU (Imo State University) Owerri and I work as a programmer in a private company at Ikeja.”
Immediately Chima and his friend alighted, the police surrounded them, guns drawn and accused them of being Yahoo, Yahoo boys. How come they are driving such an expensive jeep? Where did they get the money to buy it if not proceeds from their fraudulent activities?
“Take them to the police station,” the senior among the officers on patrol shouted, his right hand caressing his holster. It was only after Chima’s friend proved beyond reasonable doubt that the Lexus SUV belongs to his father and that they were on an errand for him. It was then the police grudgingly let them go. Of course, he had the necessary documents ready, driver’s license and proof of ownership of the vehicle.
“It was not funny,” Chima said days after the encounter.
So many young people in Nigeria, post-ENDSARS, have had the same experience with the police almost on a daily basis. From Ajah to Festac, Surulere to Ikeja, Ijesha to Abule Egba, Asaba to Onitsha, Calabar to Uyo, Ibadan to Akure and Ekiti to Ikare, it is the same story, story of arbitrary arrests and detention of young Nigerians without charges levelled against them or even duly prosecuted.
“It’s as if ENDSARS never even happened,” a disgruntled chap said recently, insisting that nothing has changed. “A uniformed man with a gun with the backing of the law still has the upper hand in any confrontation with civilians.”
One year after the ENDSARS youth protests that rocked the Nigerian state to its very foundation, anyone would reasonably assume that casual police brutality would be a thing of the past, that the police and other law enforcement agents would have learnt their lessons. It is not true, as Chima and his friend’s encounter with the police shows.
On the same day the ENDSARS protests anniversary was marked in Lagos state (October 20) at the epicentre (Lekki) where it all began last year, a Uber driver conveying a passenger from Lekki to Ikeja was manhandled by the police who had been deployed to prevent any mass outdoor gathering by young people.
Although the cabby said he parked and waited by the roadside, he bolted once his passenger did. Next thing he saw his car being towed. He gave chase and caught up with the uniformed officials – police and LASTMA – towing the vehicle. He got a few slaps for his pains.
On the same day, too, there were reports of officials of Lagos State Command of the Nigeria Police Force teargasing the peaceful protesters marking the one-year anniversary of ENDSARS at Lekki Tole Gate. The CP himself, Hakeem Odumosu, later backed up the use of teargas on the protesters.
OLD WAYS DIE HARD
One year after many states set up judicial panels to investigate complaints of human rights violation against the police, nothing tangible has been achieved. With the notable exception of Lagos State, which has paid N420m compensation to the victims, some, like Gombe and Enugu and Ondo States, are yet to conclude their investigations, with some even complaining of lack of money to conclude their settings as directed the National Economic Council, NEC.
Commenting on this indifference, the President of the Nigerian Bar Association, Olumide Akpata, faulted the states’ refusal to pay compensation to the victims of police brutality.
This is just as the NBA called on the police to immediately release all protesters who were arrested on Wednesday during the demonstrations held in commemoration of the October 2020 protests.
Akpata said on Wednesday, “While most of the investigative panels have concluded their assignment in states, such as Rivers, Enugu, Edo, Nasarawa, Plateau amongst others, it is depressing to note that in most of these states, the payment compensation to victims whose petitions were established has simply not happened.
“Save for Lagos State where the panel has been most successful, in terms of the number of petitions treated, and the compensations doled out, the situation in other states has been anything but encouraging.
“The situation is indicative of the government’s less than noble attitude to the plight of citizens; as part of which may be recalled, exacerbated the protests last year.”
“The NBA unequivocally calls for unconditional release of all peaceful protesters and journalists arrested today and hereby, mandates the NBA Human Rights Committee to immediately spring into action to ensure the protection of their rights.”
Alhaji Lai Mohammed, Minister for Information and Culture, thinks otherwise. At a press conference in Abuja on the anniversary of the EndSARS protest, he said the Federal Government has worked with 28 states and the Federal Capital Territory that set up Judicial panels on to address the issues relating to the EndSARS protest.
He disclosed that on October 15, 2021, the NEC received an update on the Reports of Judicial Panels of Inquiry into Allegations of Human Rights Violations against Members of Nigeria Police Force and other Security Agencies.
“Out of the 28 States, 11 States (Abia, Ekiti, Enugu, Gombe, Kwara, Nasarawa, Ogun, Ondo, Osun, Plateau, and Rivers) have submitted their final reports to Council. Governors of other States have also indicated that their reports would be submitted soon. Following deliberations on the recommendations of the panels, NEC agreed/resolved as follows: Payment of compensation to victims, prosecution of indicted security personnel and civilians and improved efficiency of the Nigeria Police Force and other security agencies architecture”.
Other actions taken by the federal and state governments to address the grievances that led to the October 2020 protest, Mohammed said, included the disbandment of SARS; broad police reforms.
REACTIONS
Music artiste, Michael Ugochukwu Stephens, otherwise known as Ruggedman, participated actively in the #EndSARS protests last year and has remained vocal about issues affecting the youths and the nation in general. One year after, he told THEWILL that it is a big shame that the Federal Government has not met any of the 5 by 5 demands of the youths.
“It is a big shame that any of the demands have not been met on the part of the government. Like I always say, you can’t shame the shameless,” Ruggedman said, even as he maintained that despite government denials and grandstanding, what is now known as the Lekki Massacre was not a fluke, but reality.
“I can say that it (the Lekki massacre) is not a theory. If you know how Instagram works, you will know that an Instagram live video is not something you can edit, which is one of the major reasons for believing it, “ he said, adding, “ Also, I did not watch it from somebody else’s phone the next day. I watched it as it was happening.”
Asked if his aspirations and visions have been met in any way and whether he really trusted the government to do the needful, in spite of the delay, his answer was quite sharp: “Any government that can allow the police to terrorise, brutalise, extort and extra judicially kill its citizens cannot be trusted. Trust is out of the window for me and this government until they change.”
On the plans by Nigerian youths to effect the change they so much desire ahead of the 2023 general elections, Ruggedman said: “I can’t speak for the youth, I can only speak for myself. And I can talk to anybody who cares to listen, I will not vote for any old Nigerian politician.
“When I say old, I don’t only mean aged politicians, but also those who have ruled before or have been hanging around or have held any political office before. I will not support and I will not vote for them. It is the same thing that I will tell anybody who cares to listen. From 1960 till date, they have failed us and they are still failing. They obviously lack anything positive for this nation and it is getting worse. Nobody out there should vote or support any politician that has any kind of criminal case in court or whose case has been thrown out and swept under the carpet like they usually do. Any politician that has been involved in any embezzlement or anything like that should not be trusted.”
The 5-5 demands include compensation for the families of those who died under police brutality, the release of arrested protesters and increments in the salaries and allowances of police officers.
The protesters demanded the appointment of an independent body to investigate allegations of misconduct in the Nigeria Police and to prosecute those indicted. Also they requested that officers of the disbanded SARS should undergo psychological evaluation before they are redeployed into other units.
The Convener of the Nigeria Peace and Sustainable Initiative (NPSI), Prof Christopher Imumolen, however, believes that the #ENDSARS protests were beyond mere agitations against police brutality, though he acknowledged that a lot has happened in the last one year.
Imumolen, who spoke with THEWILL in Lagos on Thursday, maintained that to an extent the #EndSARS Movement brought police brutality to an end, even as he insists that fixing the economy is what matters most.
He disclosed that his group is about young Nigerians who are ready to rescue the country from the present condition it has found itself.
“We are working on a movement that will metamorphose into a political party. We will be involved in the 2023 elections. Already, we have started the registration of the party. Before now, we have been working as social entrepreneurs since 2010. The movement is about young Nigerians who are ready to rescue the country. We will be sincere and we have the knowledge and international exposure,” he said.
The professor, who has warned that things will get worse, if Nigeria fails to get it right this time, advised both the youth and the other citizens to get involved in the democratic process, saying that is the only way to bring about the desired change the country wants.
Rinu Oduola ‘Savvyrinu’ is a young Nigerian activist, who has been playing a leading role in the #EndSARS Movement. This made the Lagos State Government to appoint her into the judicial panel set up to look into police brutality and the shooting at the Lekki Toll Gate on October 20, 2020. But midway into the panel’s sittings in February 2021, Oduola pulled out over what she described as the insincerity of the government.
Oduola, who maintained that she would not want “to be manipulated into gas-lighting the people” and attaching her name to “a rubberstamped and foregone conclusion, ” said, “Justice has not been served, and as a representative of the Nigerian citizenry, my only recourse is to stay the course of justice. What I will not do is be part of a cover-up.”
Her grudge was with the decision of the Lagos State Government to return the Lekki Toll Plaza to the owner, Lekki Consession Company (LCC) while the panel was yet to conclude its assignment and submit its report. According to Oduola, who was one of the two youths appointed into the nine-member panel, “My stand on the reopening on the toll gate is clear; the state government and the private organisation operating the toll have not been cleared of collusion with elements allegedly deployed by the federal government to target citizens on home soil during a time of peace, without provocation.”
She added that “Without a final panel report or actionable steps, we are returning to the status quo,” adding “Justice has not been served, and as a representative of the Nigerian citizenry, my only recourse is to stay the course of justice. What I will not do is be part of a cover-up.”
Popular comedian, Debo Adedayo, a.k.a Mr. Macaroni was quite active at the #EndSARS memorial rally which held in Lagos last Wednesday just as he played a leading role when the youth movement started last year. However, THEWILL could not get him to comment on the journey so far, Thursday, as his phone rang many times without any response before the line eventually went off.
Folarin Falana, a.k.a Falz the Bad Guy, is a leading voice in the #EndSARS movement and was prominent in the activities for the one-year memorial rally in Lagos. Attempt by the THEWILL to reach out to the popular musician for his reactions to the government’s stance and responses to the demands of the youths met a brickwall. His manager, Femisoro Ajayi, told THEWILL that Falz “is not taking interviews at the moment because he already spoke about a list of topics,” adding, “Now, he is taking a break”.
THE ROOT CAUSE
While the ENDSARS protests lasted, those in positions of authority in Nigeria were genuinely frightened, frightened for their own lives and frightened that they were losing or had lost control of the states under their command. No one seemed to know what to do to contain the restive youths who had staged a spontaneous and very successful demonstration across many parts of the country almost simultaneously.
The Presidency was at sea. State governors were completely stumped and stunned. A former governor with a larger-than-life political clout and the national leader of a political party made a beeline out of the country, so it was rumoured. Or that if he was around, he didn’t dare show his face. He did not.
The police, against whom the riots were directed, wisely stayed off the street, preferring the anonymity of civilian outfits (mufti) than their much disliked uniforms. Some who braved it were gruesomely murdered by angry mobs. One or two were set ablaze; more than a dozen police facilities were torched. At least, two correctional centres were raided and the inmates set free.
Much of the country was paralysed economically during the protests. Government offices and private businesses were shut down. Markets and shops were closed for the entire duration. Drivers and commuters were off the roads: you could see from one end to another of previously densely packed streets and thoroughfares. A formerly bubbly city like Lagos had become a ghost town. Such was the effect of the EndSARS youth demonstration that commentators soon began to use phrases like ‘people power’ to voice their dismay at both the government and the law enforcement agencies.
Although EndSARS began as a well-organised, peaceful protest, it soon turned into something no one had imagined. Even the protesting youths themselves did not bargain for what they saw as an opportunity to register their complaint against the atrocious attitude of the police to young Nigerians.
The protest was initially directed at the excesses of the police, particularly the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) that had become notorious for everything evil but crime prevention. Like a malignant tumour, the protest soon metastasised and the youths now used it to declare something close to a vote of no confidence on the ruling elite.
SOCIAL MEDIA TO THE RESCUE
It is just very possible the ENDSARS protest might never have been without the social media. Of course, cases of police brutality have been reported in Nigerian news media, mostly print and radio or television. But with the availability of the social media and its numerous platforms, young Nigerians could share messages as they come, by the minute.
So, when a video was made of two police officers roughing up a young man in Delta State late last September and making off with his car, it was widely shared and became viral. To many of the young people, it was something like: “No! We can’t take this no more.”
The country itself was a few days shy of its 60th anniversary and bracing up for a celebratory occasion. But Nigerian youths denied the ruling class the opportunity to celebrate. Instead, they presented them with an unusual and most unexpected birthday gift.
Driven by a common cause and availing themselves with ample opportunities on social media, thousands of young Nigerians massed out at Lekki Toll Gate Lagos in a peaceful protest against endemic police brutality. Galvanised by the protest in Lagos, youths in more than a dozen state capitals followed suit almost immediately, staging their own peaceful demonstrations as well, effectively shutting down activities in much of the country for the period it lasted.
Taken completely unawares, the Federal Government acquiesced to the protesters’ demand by quickly dismantling the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) fingered by the protesters as their main source of grievance. Even more quickly, it substituted the reviled SARS with a new one called SWAT.
The protesting youths turned it down promptly, insisting it was just a change of name and went one step further, this time to the government’s great discomfort. Now, young people all over the country were using the protest to express genuine displeasure with those in leadership positions, their anger and frustrations at a failed democratic process, unpromising economic prospects and general apathy of an elite political class to the plight of the long-suffering masses.
It was phenomenal and totally unexpected. Confronted with unforeseen situations like the October protest that has now entered into world lexicon as #EndSARS uprising, the federal and state governments reacted typically with panicky measures, what Prof Wole Soyinka once described as “herd panic” in the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic in Nigeria.
In the early hours of October 20, the protesters were surprised by a detachment of well-armed soldiers at Lekki Toll Gate. In the ensuing confrontation, shots were fired and, of course, there were casualties. Several hours later, the number of protesting young Nigerians had reduced drastically, thus bringing to a tragic end what began as a carefully calibrated demonstration.
EndSARS isn’t the first time young people will be in the vanguard of protests in Nigeria. In 1962, students protested against the Anglo/ Nigeria Defence Pact. There was also the Ali-must-go demonstration of 1978, by students. What was their grouse? A 50kobo increase in meal vouchers.
Students at the Universities of Jos and Benin sparked off the fuel subsidy riot of 1988 and SAP riot of 1989, respectively. June 12 demonstration began for the first time at the University of Benin before it spread nationwide. There were fatalities in many of them and the protests took place during military regimes. EndSARS was different because it is the first time a civilian government would be confronted with one. The government was not amused.
Following the EndSARS protest, the government quickly set up panels presided over by retired judges to look into cases of police brutality and extrajudicial killings in the states where such demonstrations took place. If you thought some of the police atrocities were just hearsay, then Nigerians got to hear real instances of some policemen playing God with their uniforms and guns, torturing and killing innocent Nigerians. The case of CSP James Nwafor, the Officer Commanding Awkuzu SARS in Anambra State, is one infamous example.
One year after, some of those panels have closed their sitting, made recommendations to the state governors. At least one state governor has paid compensation to the families of the victims. Some have not, insisting that since they were set up by the Federal Government, they should bear the cost of compensating the victims.
This is paying lip service to the situation one year after EndSARS, Prof Imumolen told THEWILL.
He said, “We have fantastic policies, but they are not properly implemented. We have seen evidence of families who were affected, but the government has not opened up. We need to do more about the implication of 5 by 5.
“The massacre theory is there and there is video evidence. Let’s see what we can do to regain the trust of the people.
“This time around, it is not going to be political as usual. We are going to move the youths to ensure they engage in the political process.”
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